Clearly, it's not "The Twa Magicians" that needs rehabilitating so much
as a realm of our sexual imaginations, specifically our "reading" of a
power-laden erotic myth. It goes with the green world into which
some of the old ballads lead us and, like that world, is doubtless far
older than the ballads themselves. So Brownmiller refers to the
"myth of heroic rape," while I prefer to speak of the "myth of the
lady and the lusty smith," but I suspect that beyond the spectre of
woman-as-prey in a "game" that isn't always "fair,"
1
beyond the
stomach-turning fictional violence that modern reviewers perversely
praise2
(and the sophisticated sexual masochism that is also
praised), Brownmiller and I are talking on the deepest imaginative
level about much the same story. And I agree with her that it
matters, that for better or worse myth can invest our lives with
serious meaning. A "rapist" meaning? No matter that Child 44 is
rarely heard outside of folk circles; its essential narrative is surely
the stuff of so-called "rape fantasies" that once triggered calls for a
vigilant self-censorship of the female imagination. Better "no
fantasy life" than a "politically unhealthy" one, Robin Morgan once
insisted, and if feminists (perhaps recognizing a losing battle) have
relented on this matter of sexual fantasy, they have hardly rethought
its basic terms. Jessica Benjamin3 thus analyzes with scholarly
elegance the "master-and-slave fantasy of erotic domination," while
a talk show psychologist refers to "women's S & M" as their "primary
sexual fantasy." 4
I submit that a folk model of more puzzling "erotic domination" -- of
what we may well call "rape fantasy" but with little rapport either to
real rape or to sado-masochistic feeling -- is overdue for rethinking.
Or rather for thinking about in the first place. For I seem to be
defending something of a fugitive beast here. Even British balladry,
celebrating human sexuality with a frankness rarely found in the more
moralistic and sentimental American ballad tradition, reveals the
unfallen myth only in fragments, not unmixed with conflicting social
themes (as in the rare bridestealing ballad of "Eppie Morrie"). I
note, moreover, that essentially trivialized forms of the myth
do, in varying degrees, turn to the shape of sexual
oppression, and that
these "fallen pastoral" forms have proliferated for over two
centuries, especially, it would seem, in America.
So Annette Kolodny (in The Lay of the Land) decribes an
exploitative,
distinctively American "pastoral impulse" identifying the land, as she
says, with "the total female principle of gratification" -- i.e., woman
as nurturer, woman as angel in the house, and woman naturally
shorn of the provocative female power long celebrated in folksong
(and great literature), however frowned upon by clerks and clerics.
Kolodny traces this "pastoral impulse" back to Rousseau's
romantic
notions of "natural femininity"; she could also have looked at
Goethe's uplifting "eternal feminine" (das Ewige-Weibliche zieht
uns hinan, as the mystical chorus at the end of Faust II
puts it)
and, more interestingly, how his genius dealt with the flip side of
that romanticized feminine image. (The epitome of this image, for
me, is Lotte, in Die Leiden des Jungen Werthers, to whom
the romantic hero never confesses his love because she's already
betrothed to his best friend; he blows his brains out instead, which
infuriated me in college and still does -- how dare he assume the
hopelessness of his cause without letting her in on it!) Not, of
course, that Goethe intentionally bestows on the devil what he
withholds from submissive village maidenhood. But how intriguing
that he should describe Mephistopheles (at the beginning of Faust
I) as the naysaying spirit der reizt und wirkt und muss als
Teufel schaffen ("who spurs [us] and acts and must, as devil,
create") --
in other words, an embodiment of the provocative female principle
that in the folk world of the unfallen pastoral seems as necessary to
full human life as the principle of nurturing motherhood.
Of course, the sanctified (sanitized?) "feminine" also harks back to
medieval notions of courtly love, made more accessible with the
condescending twist of romanticized "village virtue" or "village
simplicity." An invention of privileged visitors to the country scene?
In any case, Goethe's icons of moral uplift, like the Lotte who lives
on in German memory forever cutting bread and butter for her little
brothers and sisters, suggest a more accessible sexual target than
the high-born chatelaine of courtly romance, and so does the "sweet
maiden"/"dear child" of sentimental German folksong. In
"Guter Mond, du gehst so stille," 5 for instance, after six
verses in
gushing praise of the simple country maiden whom, alas, the singer
cannot follow, he explains that he's already "bound" and unable to
love her "without sin" -- in short, a married man -- going on to ask
(or rather tell the moon to ask) "dem guten Kinde, ob ihr diese
Lieb gefällt?" Never having looked at this last verse before, I
used to think
the song soppy but singable in German. But asking "the good child"
if his illicit love "pleases her" -- well, that mixture of condescension
and smarminess sticks in my throat,
And Michel Zink6 points to yet another
centuries old, sweetly
enfeebling confinement of the feminine: a movement of "pastoral
enclosure," as he calls it, from medieval pastourelle to the
17th-century literary pastoral that made "love," purged of all "lustful
heat," the focus of a green arena presided over by the "great god
Pan ... thou that keep'st us chaste and free." So Fletcher (in The
Faithfull Shepherdess) identifies an idealized pastoral realm and
holds up for our admiration the chaste-true lovers Perigot and
Amoret, as well as "the virgin of the grove" Clorin, eternally faithful
to the ashes of her own lost love. Lustier, possibly more human
characters include Cloe, who openly regrets "earlier times" when
"dull and cold chastitie" did not hold sway, and who, left at the end
of the play with "that modest shepherd" Daphnis, hopes "his heart
and my behavior too, perhaps may teach him what he ought to
do."
One hopes that, for Cloe's sake, this "modest shepherd" is less
implacably wedded to an ideal of "chaste love" than Perigot -- a
paragon of virtue who says he never mingles "clean thoughts" with
"foule desires" and whom the wanton Amarillis (magically taking
Amoret's physical form) finds impossible to seduce (indeed enraged
at her "betrayal" when he finally catches up with the real Amoret,
he tries to kill her). Clearly, Cloe is no heroine of Fletcher's nor, in
her unconflicted desire for sex, is she a folk pastoral heroine. Yet
her words resonate in the folk pastoral world, and her advice -- "let
men that hope to be belov'd be bold" -- sounds very much like the
"lesson" of "The Twa Magicians."
So the fallen -- or perhaps I should say the "enclosed" -- myth has a
long and twisted history. It has hoary Old World roots, and
20th-century American ones too, in the "little girl" voice of so much
American pop music. At least, that's what I hear when I try to
explain the unfallen myth to a group of "feminist" men (i.e., loudly
proclaming their own victimhood) and one of them, in a pinched
obviously "put-on" voice, breaks into explanatory song:
Johnny get angry, Johnny get mad,
Give me the biggest lecture I ever had;
I want a brave man, I want a cave man;
Johnny, show me that you care, really care, for me.
"Oh, is this what you mean?" Good grief, no! Barbie is
hardly an
improvement over Lotte. Infantilized or maternalized, the
female
image that Kolodny’s fallen "pastoral impulse" evokes is an enfeebled
one, and I cannot but think it part of an enfeebled erotic myth from
which mystery has largely disappeared. For it isn’t just the combative
spirit of "The Twa Magicians" that I miss. It’s the contradiction
between female "defeat" and female triumph, which ballads sharing
the same "sexist" erotic assumptions as Child 44 nonetheless
manage to celebrate. A collective contradiction, in other words,
between the image of woman-as-victim we might well expect to
find in ballads openly inviting us to applaud masterful male force
and the boastful, headstong female images that we, in fact, find
there.
I call these ballads of high-conflict, high-stake erotic encounter "high
folk pastorals," and I see them as part of the same puzzle that
confounded Harvard professor W. P. Jones7 over half a century
ago. The "theme of the baffled knight," he called it, for in his 1931
study of the pastourelle, Jones found it "highly significant"
that
poems depicting the love adventure of shepherdess and courtier
(or poet-knight), and sung by the courtier-poets themselves,
contained an "essential and often successful" element of sexual
resistance. This "bafflement," Jones thought, along with the
strangely high-spirited femme d'esprit, must flow from a
vernacular
source, and noting how both have persisted into contemporary
French folksong -- into what he calls "a kind of folk pastourelle" -- he
explains both, in the end, or rather declines to explain them, as
products of a peculiar "French folk psychology."
How firmly he keeps his puzzlement focused on foreign shores! In
truth, a "folk psychology" that breaks with both Victorian and modern
feminist images of correct womanhood emerges even more strikingly
from the "high folk pastoral" of the British Isles (which may or may
not share the pastourelle's rural trappings), and especially
from a
ballad of cocky virginity entitled "The Baffled Knight" (#112). Small
wonder that Jones ignores its gleefully irresponsible "lady gay." I
suspect she is indeed better understood in countries like France that
haven’t undergone what Natalie Davis calls the "protestant
desexualization," i.e., sexual equality through sexual
sameness.8
To be sure, French philosophy once championed sexual equality
through the rule of reason and the triviality of sexual diffeence;
woman was equal, said Condorcet, because it really made very little
difference that she was a woman -- an argument exciting
little
enthusiasm among Frenchwomen, who rallied instead (as Concorcet
had feared) around Rousseau's banner of female feeling. But did they
indeed choose "empire" over "égalité"? French feminist Elizabeth
Badinter9
thus interprets their sudden conversion to "natural
motherhood" and breastfeeding their own babies, but I wonder if
ordinary Frenchwomen (who did not follow Rousseau's sillier
suggestions and who have long won practical government programs
for child care and family assistance) didn't understand some things
better than the philosophers. They understood, I think, that sexual
difference was worth celebrating even if it did muddy the argument
for equality. I think they have always understood our contradictory
folk pastoral heroine; and it comes as no surprise to me, then, that
the courtship narratives of both #44 and #112 are especially popular
(according to Prof. Child) in the Romance-speaking (Catholic)
world.
Yet it is English and Scottish songs, playing upon the theme of
taunting sexual resistance (as well as defiantly disobedient loyalty)
that empower the woman and heighten the sexual issue with a
reversal of conventional pastoral roles. And it is these songs that
scholars have largely ignored. Helen Cooper10, for instance, says
that the stock figure of shepherdess in the English "vernacular
pastoral" is commonly replaced with that of milkmaid -- an accurate
observation for low folk pastorals like "Two Maids went a-milking" or
even "The Broom of Cowdenknows"; yet she fails to note how instead
of knight and shepherdess in songs sharing the high erotic tension
of #44 and #112 -- that is, in my "high folk pastorals"-- we find
shepherd lad (or gardener or forester or blacksmith’s son...) and
lady. A lady, I submit, who hasn’t lost touch with her peasant
roots. A lady who confounds any simple answer to the question of
just what it is we're meant to be applauding on the other side of
masterful male force.
But the ballads do suggest a complicated answer, preserving a core
sexual contradiction.